Who Speaks for Israel?

As I was working on my thesis the other day, I came across a paper by Prof. Dov Waxman about the American Israel Lobby. Intrigued by his argument, I Googled him, and found out that he is the author of a book which looks at the effects of identity politics on the peace process in Israel. More specifically, he argues that national identity is at the heart of Israel’s policies regarding the Occupation, and that foreign policy is less a product of political elite interests but more of a product of a broad set of struggles in society over the definition of national identity. Resolving the Israeli–Palestinian conflict thus demands first that Israelis solve their own conflict over national identity.

Tracking the peace process under Bibi persuades me toward his thesis. As a Prime Minister facing strong pressure from many different interests, he is at the center of Israel’s identity crisis. He is pulled every which way by competing views of what it is to be Israeli. For the settlers to whom he seems to pander, Israeli identity is equated with religious Judaism, and this identity manifests itself politically in calls for Jewish control over “greater Israel” as delineated in the Torah. For the secular Israelis, whose desires for peace and stability are supported by American and European demands for a two state solution, Israeli identity is equated more with Zionist ideology than biblical mandate. Initially, these Zionist beliefs as advocated by Theodor Herzl in the latter stages of the nineteenth century were based upon Marxist socialism, painting Israel as a homeland where Jews would be able to cultivate land, live in a community exclusively for themselves and escape from persecution. This paradigm has since included a desire for peace with Palestinian and Arab neighbors, even at the cost of giving over land. Incorporating these two identities into one “Israeli identity” has been a problem that Israel has yet to solve.

Earlier American Presidents have mostly withdrew their demands for two states, settlement withdrawal, etc. in the face of aggressive opposition from right–wing organizations within the American Israel Lobby and from reluctant Israeli administration. Obama has not yet withdrawn these demands, and in doing so is compelling Bibi to confront this identity crisis.He thus far has not, attempting to appease both sides. For example, while he promised a ten month settlement construction freeze, his policy does not apply to 3,000 units already being built, to East Jerusalem, or to public buildings, including 28 new buildings in existing settlements approved this weekend by Defense Minister Ehud Barak. Moreover, he said to the settlers today that “this [freeze] order is one-time only and it limits the duration of the suspension. There are nine months and three weeks left. Once the suspension has expired, we will continue to build.” Bibi is clearly reluctant to address this crisis.

Yes, defining the Israeli identity will have monumental implications for the future of the country, and yes, many countries do struggle with reconciling multiple identities within their borders. Yet if Bibi wants to bring peace to Israel, I challenge him to be braver than Prime Ministers before him and confront Israel’s identity crisis more directly. In doing so, I hope he would listen to the views of many Israelis, Americans, and Europeans who would like to see peace and democracy in the state of Israel as opposed to the status quo.

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